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I Walelign Debeb, Registration Number/ID. Number ECSU 1802909, do hereby declare that this thesis is my original work and that it has not been submitted partially; or in full, by any other person for an award of a degree in any other university/institution.
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This article aims to analyze the conduct of the foreign policy of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia from the 1974 Revolution to the first year of Abiy Ahmed Ali's administration, investigating in the process to which the country's greatest political and economic openness is due. Through a bibliographic review, it appears that this process of political reopening occurs due to the needs of national development and the rise of a new head of state. The variables of analysis to verify this hypothesis would be the country's growth rate in recent decades, the approach to China, foreign investments in the country, privatization packages, diplomatic rapprochement with neighbors and diplomatic offensives. It is concluded in an assertive way that since the end of the Meles Zenawi's administration, Ethiopia has gone through a phase of greater openness in the conduct of its foreign policy precisely because of the need for subsidies to national development. Finally, this.
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Ethiopia, despite its lack of economic capabilities, decisively influenced decision making in accordance with its own national interests in its bilateral relations, regional and continental affairs, and multilateral settings. As Habtamu (2013) described, it can be argued that the acceptability of Ethiopian identity is one of the contributing factors. And for Fukuyama, Identity is a very fluid concept, and one finds out how fluid when trying to determine the identity of the Ethiopian state. The Ethiopian state identity is shaped by different factors. These were on the one hand determined by context specific ideas about power, territoriality, and hierarchy. The personalities and prestige of Ethiopian leaders, the Adwa victory, the fact that it was never colonized, that it was ruled by emperor’s whose power derived from God, affected how the country was viewed by Europeans and Black Africans. The World Bank, the intricacies of Ethiopian history allow for the appropriation of the country’s identity to fit diverging agenda’s and narratives. Ethiopia, as a state, enjoyed an exceptional status but considered it exceptional as well. In constructivist thought this is considered a non-material structure and influences ideas about how to act and what strategies an actor can imagine in reaching their goal. The exceptionality that accompanies Ethiopia’s state identity is carefully preserved and utilized, which will be further elaborated.
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This paper examines determinants of Ethiopian foreign policy under the military regime and the incumbent government. The study employed a qualitative approach as the methodology of the study. Data were collected from primary and secondary sources. The secondary data was collected from books, journal articles, published and unpublished materials, governmental and non-governmental organization reports and remarks, magazines, and internet sources. To substantiate and supplement the secondary data, the paper also used primary data collected through key informant interview. Given the data gathered are qualitative, the study employed qualitative data analysis techniques. The finding of the study revealed that the demise of the military regime brought not merely change in terms of determinants of foreign policy making and execution but also brought a shift in foreign policy approach and orientation of the country and the establishment of a federal democratic system in Ethiopia in 1991 ushered a major paradigm shift in the making and execution of the country's foreign policy and diplomacy. Inter alia, siege mentality approach was changed, foreign policy approach was shifted from the outside-in approach to the inside-out approach, foreign policy objective was shifted from hard power(military based) to soft power based (economic diplomacy) and diversification of partner and area of foreign policy and foreign relations.
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The aim of this paper is to critique the Foreign Affairs and National Security Policy and Strategy (FANSPS) of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (FDRE). The thrust of the critique is double-pronged: first, against a modest theoretical exposition of the concept of ‘human security’, it shall attempt to expose a caesura between the policy and praxis and make out a case for a paradigm shift in Ethiopia’s approach to national security. It contends that the central purpose of Ethiopia's foreign and security policy has remained the same, in spite of the shift in orientation as well as clichés and shibboleths. The crux of its contention is that a change in discourse has not brought about a change in essence. Still building defense capability takes precedence over ensuring human security in today’s Ethiopia. Non-military aspects of security have been relegated to a secondary place whilst human security should have been made to constitute the basis of the FANSPS. Second, against a conceptual elucidation of ‘inclusive security’, which treated as an aspect of human security, the critique hopes to bring out the hitherto neglect of the critical role that women could play in peace-making, peace-building, and security and call for a shift along this line. By way of recommendations, I suggest that the Government of Ethiopia should revise its FANSPS in such a manner as to provide a robust human security framework and live up to its promises. Nor can it afford to continue to disregard the promises offered by inclusive security, both as a matter of recognition and implementation of women’s roles and rights in peace and security, as it after all is duty bound by virtue of UN Security Council Resolution 1325(UNSC 1325). In this regard, it should, as a preliminary step, draw up a workable national action plan for the implementation of UNSC 1325.
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